Showing posts with label guest blogger. Show all posts
Showing posts with label guest blogger. Show all posts

Monday, June 17, 2013

Errror in Dr. James Flynn's (2009) WAIS-IV norming data: Quest blog post by Dr. Dale Watson



This is a guest blog post by Dr. Dale Watson.  The opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the official position of the ICDP blog or the blogmaster.  However, it is of interest to note that the error Dr. James Flynn (2009) made in reporting the WAIS-IV norming date (here reported by Dr. Dale Watson) is true, and was also in a published review that I received a few days after I received Dr. Watson's guest post.  This second verification source (Kaufman, Dillon, & Kirsch, 2013) will be the subject of my next post.

Dr. Dale Watson's guest post 





In an article entitled, The WAIS-III and WAIS-IV: Daubert motions favor the certainly false over the approximately true, Dr. James Flynn analyzed data from a number of IQ tests, including the WAIS-R, WAIS-III, and WAIS-IV to estimate the rate of the “Flynn Effect” on the Wechsler scales in the U.S. over time.[i] He concluded, as have others, that in order to account for the obsolescence of aging IQ test norms, a “Flynn Effect” adjustment of 0.30 points per year from the date of a tests norming should be applied to the obtained IQ test scores (Flynn, 2009; Fletcher et al., 2010). For example, if the WAIS-III (normed in 1995) was administered to an individual in 2005, the obtained IQ should be downwardly adjusted by 0.30 x 10 or 3.0 points. Thus, an obtained IQ score of 72 would result in a Flynn-adjusted score of 69. Such adjustments have been recommended for use in Atkins evaluations (Flynn, 2009; Gresham & Reschly, 2011; cf Hagen et al., 2010).[ii]

Flynn compared the IQ scores obtained on the WAIS-III and the WAIS-IV in a sample of 240 examinees reported in the Technical and Interpretive Manual for the WAIS-IV (2008).[iii] The Technical Manual reported that the mean IQs differed by 2.9 points with the sample mean for the WAIS-IV being 100 and for the WAIS-III 102.9 (Wechsler, 2008, p. 75). However, because these IQ scores were calculated using different combinations of subtests, Flynn re-calculated the IQ scores utilizing the same combination of 11 subtest scores used on the WAIS-III to calculate the IQs. Flynn (2009) noted, “The list of subtests used to compute Full Scale IQ had not only changed, but had dropped from 11 to 10. But, once again, they gave the comparison group all 11 of the old WAIS-III subtests, and once again that was fortunate because it meant that the true obsolescence of the WAIS-III could be measured. I calculated the total standard score the group got on the same 11 WAIS-III and WAIS-IV subtests. Using the totals and the WAIS-III conversion table, I calculated Full Scale IQs for the two tests” (p. 102). 

In examining Flynn’s Table 2, it appears that these calculations included scores for the Picture Arrangement subtest for both the WAIS-III and WAIS-IV. However, the Picture Arrangement subtest is not included in the WAIS-IV so it is quite unclear how this calculation was performed. Moreover, there is a footnote to this table indicating that the “WAIS-IV estimate is eccentric in carrying over WISC-III subtests (and scoring vs. the WAIS-III tables)…” but the meaning of this statement is also uncertain. In addition, substitution of the Symbol Search subtest for Picture Arrangement appears to yield very similar results.

In any case, the point of this note is not to recalculate Flynn’s estimates but rather to point out what appears to be a discrepancy between WAIS-IV norming date provided by Flynn and that found in the Technical and Interpretive Manual for the WAIS-IV. Flynn indicated that the WAIS-IV was normed in 2006 (Table 1) whereas the Manual reported, “The WAIS-IV normative data was established using a sample collected from March 2007 to April 2008.” [iv] If we use 2007 as the mid-point norming date, the time between the norming of the WAIS-III and WAIS-IV is 12 years and not 11 as provided by Flynn. Using the Flynn 2006 date resulted in a calculated Flynn Effect between the WAIS-III and WAIS-IV of 0.306 points per year (+3.37 / 11 years). Using the norming date provided in the manual resulted in a calculated score of 0.281 points per year (+3.37 / 12 years). It is understood that this discrepancy of just 0.025 points is of little practical significance but it should be noted nonetheless. Moreover, the metaphorical splitting of hairs is not uncommon when discussing the Flynn Effect. Hagan et al. (2010) asserted, “Decades of FE research and testimony… depict the amount of this shift as a moving target. For example, Flynn (1998) once identified the annual shift as 0.25 rather than 0.30, but later testified in Ex Parte Eric Dewayne Cathey (2010) that 0.29 would be appropriate. Schalock et al. (2010) have called for an annual adjustment of 0.33” pp. 1-2.[v] Flynn has acknowledged that the results reported in his report are estimates for the Wechsler scales, writing, “It is quite possible that the rate of gain on Wechsler tests is 0.275 or 0.325 points per year” (Flynn, 2009, p. 104). The recalculation noted here is consistent with this judgment. Further, the weight of the available evidence, including that of a recent meta-analysis, continues to support the Flynn Effect adjustment of 0.3 points per year.[vi]



[i] Flynn, J. R. (2009). The WAIS-III and WAIS-IV: Daubert motions favor the certainly false over the approximately true. Applied Neuropsychology, 16(2), 98-104. doi: 10.1080/09084280902864360
[ii] Gresham, F. M., & Reschly, D. J. (2011). Standard of practice and Flynn Effect testimony in death penalty cases. Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, 49(3), 131-140. doi: 10.1352/1934-9556-49.3.131
[iii] Wechsler, D. (2008). Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale: Technical and interpretive manual (4th ed.). San Antonio, TX: Pearson.
[iv] Id., p. 22.
[v] Hagan, L. D., Drogin, E. Y., & Guilmette, T. J. (2010). IQ scores should not be adjusted for the Flynn Effect in capital punishment cases. Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment, 28(5), 474-476. doi: 10.1177/0734282910373343
[vi] Fletcher, J. M., Stuebing, K. K., & Hughes, L. C. (2010). IQ scores should be corrected for the Flynn Effect in high-stakes decisions. Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment, 28(5), 469-473. doi: 10.1177/0734282910373341

Wednesday, June 20, 2012

How Aerobic Exercise Affects Your Brain



This is a guest blog post by the folks over at What Are Nootropics?  As per usual, guest posts are posted "as is" and do not necessarily reflect the endorsement by Kevin McGrew or this blog.


Worldwide, people engage in aerobic exercise on a daily basis. The majority of these people are trying to lose weight and strengthen their hearts. An improved basal metabolic rate and cardiovascular fitness are the most commonly known benefits associated with aerobic exercise. But how many people have thought about the ways aerobic exercise affects their brain? Probably not many. 

Aerobic exercise affects your brain?

Research in recent years has shown that aerobic exercise effects our brain in three distinct ways. If you don't have the motivation to engage in regular aerobic exercise, hopefully you will have found it by the time you are finished reading this post.

Aerobic exercise increases levels of the protein brain-derived nootropic factor (BDNF).  1 The BDNF protein plays an important role in our brain's ability to create new neurons, a process called neurogenesis. BDNF also improves the survivability of new neurons after they have been created. The process of neurogenesis takes place in the hippocampus, the area of the brain responsible for memory formation. Interestingly, one study showed that aerobic exercise increased hippocampal volume by 2% and effectively reversed age related loss in volume by 2 years. 2 If you want your brain to be at its sharpest, you need to be exercising on a regular basis. This is especially important as you age.

Higher levels of BDNF isn't the only way aerobic exercise improves cognitive function. As stated earlier, it is common knowledge that aerobic exercise strengthens your heart, but many people are aware of the link that exists between heart health and brain health? You heart is responsible for pumping blood to your brain. Blood contains oxygen and glucose, which your brain uses as fuel to carry out all of its functions. Think of your heart as the battery which powers your brain. By strengthening that battery, you can improve cognitive function across the board. 3

Aerobic exercise does more than improve cognitive abilities.

Aerobic exercise effects the levels of one very important neurotransmitter. Neurotransmitters are what your brain cells use to communicate with each other. Different neurotransmitters have different functions. There is a neurotransmitter for learning, memory, attention, energy, appetite, mood, etc. Aerobic exercise increases release of the neurotransmitter serotonin. 

Serotonin's most prevalent function is its ability to regulate mood. Many people who are chronically depressed have abnormally low levels of serotonin. Consequently, most anti-depressants work by inhibiting the breakdown of serotonin. Simply put, the more serotonin in your brain, the better you feel. Aerobic exercise is a completely natural way to increases serotonin levels in the brain. 4 This is why aerobic exercise is such an effective stress reliever.

In fact, some marathon runners actually become addicted to the activity. The engage in such strenuous amounts of aerobic exercise, they experience what is called a "runner's high." 5 Many have the desire to run longer and longer distances simply to achieve a greater high.  Will you experience a "runner high"? Not likely, but you will elevate your serotonin levels and find you are in a better mood on a day-to-day basis.

Are there other ways to achieve these effects?

The cheapest and safest way to improve cognitive abilities and boost mood is to exercise for one hour, at least three days a week. However, there are other ways. Using nootropics such as lion's mane mushroom can also increase neurogenesis. Piracetam, on the other hand, improves cerebral blood flow. Personally, I would not even think about nootropics until you are doing everything else you can to improve cognitive function, and aerobic exercise is the single best place to start!

Resources

1. Running is the neurogenic and neurotrophic stimulus in environmental enrichment http://learnmem.cshlp.org/content/18/9/605.abstract
2. Exercise training increases size and hippocampus and improves memory: http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2011/01/25/1015950108.abstract

3. Cardiovascular fitness is associated with cognition in young adulthood: http://www.pnas.org/content/106/49/20906.full.pdf

4. Abstract, How to increase serotonin in the human brain without drugs: http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2077351/

5. ABC News, Exercise Addicts Can Blame Their Brains: http://abcnews.go.com/Health/MensHealthNews/story?id=8430744

Monday, October 17, 2011

Dr. Brad Hale's response (and cited articles) on LD definition and assessment: Guest Blog post




Dr. Brad Hale has been generous in providing access to a number of white papers, journal publications, etc., that reflect the current debate on the definition and assessment of learning disabilities. On listservs he is constantly asked to provide copies or links to the articles. As a result of a recent interchange on a professional listserv, I asked Dr. Hale if he would like to have his most recent response posted at a blog so he (and others) could be directed to one source for the information. He agreed. Thus, below is Dr. Hale's recent response "as is." The only changes I made were to embed his URL's in text. I consider this a "guest blog" post.

While I have people's attention, I would like to reiterate my offer to make others for guest blog posts regarding topics relevant to IQ's Corner.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
As written by Dr. Brad Hale



Thanks to those who have asked for the white paper and Forest Grove v. TA articles backchannel, and forgive my impersonal reply to the list. Both articles are available online free of charge, so I am providing the links here. I will send my Essentials chapter about how to do a strengths and weaknesses approach, step-by-step, backchannel to those interested for their personal use.

The Forrest Grove v. TA Supreme Court case article, published in the Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment, has undergone peer review. It was also meticulously scrutinized by probably one of the most prominent education law attorneys in America, Pete Wright (Wrightslaw), for its legal accuracy (he is a co-author). It can be found here:


The White Paper is published in the journal Learning Disabilities Quarterly, and underwent peer review. It includes a substantial literature, a majority of which was written by the 58 co-authors, who are prominent cognitive and neuropsychological researchers and leaders in the field of learning disabilities, special education, and neuropsychology. It is available here

An earlier version, published as a position statement by the Learning Disabilities Association of America can be found here

Readers should also know there was a rebuttal to the LDA (not the LDQ) paper, and some of their critcisms are directed at the LDA President's statements, not ours. But a majority of their criticisms are directed at our LDA paper or the authors on our paper. The criticism against our authors is they have a conflict of interest (e.g., selling tests), and the assumption is that this conflict led to our position. It should be known that very few of the authors (about 8 of the 58 authors) have this conflict of interest, but nonetheless, it is the major argument against the legitimacy of our position (the first one they present I believe).

It should also be known that this rebuttal paper has not undergone peer review, is not published in a scholarly journal, and includes no references to support its claims (hence the unchecked facts and rhetoric), but it IS signed by many people who oppose our arguments, including those opposed to cognitive and neuropsychological assessment for identification of LD, and/or supporters of RTI.

I have publicly suggested to advocates/writers of this rebuttal paper that they provide the references to support their claims, and submit the paper for peer-review in a scholarly journal, as we had done, but to my knowledge this has not occurred. Once again, I encourage them to take this important next step, as this will add legitimacy to their criticisms and further their position.

Best,
Brad

James B. Hale, Ph.D., ABPdN
Associate Professor of Clinical Neuropsychology
University of Victoria


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Saturday, December 04, 2010

Book Nook: Uses and Abuses of Intelligence: Studies Advancing Spearman and Raven's Quest for Non-Arbitrary Metrics

John and Jean Raven asked me to post the following update regarding their book. The following information is reproduced as received from the Raven's.

Uses and Abuses of Intelligence: Studies Advancing Spearman and Raven’s Quest for Non-Arbitrary Metrics. Edited by John and Jean Raven

Now Available from Amazon.co.uk*
ISBN 978-0-9557195-0-9





The opening chapter summarises the theoretical basis of Raven’s Progressive Matrices tests and the measurement model that lies behind them. Despite their widespread us, neither their foundation on the work of Charles Spearman nor their grounding in what has become known as “Item Response Theory” is widely understood. Both are extremely interesting and important issues and the chapter will therefore be of interest to a wide audience.

Part II: Practical Measurement Issues: Lessons from 75 Years’ Work with Item Response Theory discusses fundamental measurement issues in psychology. Particular attention is paid to the problems involved in the differential measurement of change, e,g, when trying to assess the relative effects of alternative treatments. These are particularly serious when attempts are made to measure change using tests which do not yield interval scales. The discussion in the book is easily understood and very illuminating. As one of the psychometricians involved in these studies commented “At last I have understood what I have been doing all my life … and my students will too!”.

Part III deals with the stability and change in Progressive Matrices scores over time and culture. Although the intergenerational increases are now well known, their significance from the point of re-interpreting the results of many studies which had previously been thought to show a decline in abilities with increasing age has been less widely appreciated. Other findings reported in this Section – such as the trifling effect of such things as access to television and education on Progressive Matrices scores – are still often surprising.

Part IV amounts to a clarion call for psychologists to find ways of thinking about, and assessing, a much wider range of human abilities together with aspects of the environment which determine behaviour. It would seem that, compared with other unidentified and unmeasured factors, “intelligence” makes a rather small contribution to the variance in life performance. On the other hand, notions of “intelligence” or “ability” play a major role in the legitimisation and cementation of hierarchy and thus to the network of factors advancing our plunge toward extinction as a species.

Part V continues this discussion of abuses of the concept of “intelligence”, particularly via an outstanding chapter on “bias” in mental testing contributed by Jim Flynn.

*In the US the book is still only available (direct or via booksellers) from Royal Fireworks Press. ISBN 978-0-89824-356-7.


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Thursday, September 02, 2010

Williams guest blog comments on Scott Barry Kaufman guest post on Flynn effect and IQ disparities

A reader (Bob Williams), contacted me as he had a rather lengthy set of comments he wished to make in response to the guest blog post by Scott Barry Kaufman on "The Flynn Effect and IQ Disparities Among Races, Ethnicities, and Nations:  Are There Common Links."  His comments would not fit in the small "comment" feature of the blog.  So, reproduced below are Bob Williams comments "as is" (and as extracted from the body of an email sent to the blogmaster).



Bob Williams states:


I would like to offer some detailed comments:

Literacy involves the ability to write, read, and comprehend information of varying levels of complexity. It is estimated that there are 774 million illiterate adults in the world, 65% whom are women (UNESCO Intsistute for Statistics, 2007). In the United States alone, 5% of the adult population is completely nonliterate (Kirsch, Jungeblut, Jenkins, & Kolstad, 1993).

Literacy is usually referenced as a binary condition, not as degrees. But the discussion here suggests that it is to be both considered as binary and as a continuous variable.  Literacy should follow the same path as education in its relationship to IQ, namely that educational achievement flows from IQ and not vice versa.  I will discuss this further below.

One study showed that the IQ and literacy scores of Blacks increased in parallel from 1980 to 2000 (Dickens & Flynn, 2006).  Murray showed essentially no change over the period 1980 to 1990. C. Murray/Intelligence, 35 (2007) 305–318

The importance of being able to read for performance on an IQ test cannot be understated.  IQ tests must be used as intended.  If the test involves reading, the testee must be able to read.  Professionals are unlikely to violate this common sense requirement.  There are, however, high quality IQ tests that do not require reading, either of instructions or test items.  The Raven's set is the best known example, but other tests designed for children and the illiterate are also available (the Kohs and DAM are examples).

Instead of measuring ‘intelligence' in a nonliterate test-taker, the test is measuring that person's inability to read. This happens only when the test is administered by someone who cannot follow instructions or has an agenda and wishes to collect  bad measurements. These findings have led some researchers to propose that such IQ gaps found across ethnicities, races, and nationalities suggests a difference in innate brain capacity (see Lynn & Vanhanen, 2006).

Besides the findings you mentioned, there is a wealth of data showing that intelligence is determined by biological, not social factors.  Much of The g Factor was devoted to demonstrating this.  The heritability of IQ consistently shows up above 80% in adults and can be determined by diverse methods (Falconer's formula, twin correlation, path analysis, and by subtracting the environmental effect from 1.0).

If increasing literacy were really explaining a number of seemingly different IQ trends, then you would expect to see a few things. First, within a population you should expect increased education of literacy skills to be associated with an increase in the average IQ of that population.  One of the important studies of the Flynn Effect (FE) was conducted by Nettelbeck and Wilson [Intelligence 32 (2004) 85–93].  The controls in their study were extraordinary.  With virtually every variable held constant, even to the people who did the measurements and their instrumentation, they found a FE, but no change in inspection times (IT).  I asked Nettlebeck if there could have been any nutritional or social changes between his two study groups (separated by 20 years).  He said emphatically that there was not.

There is also a problem with focusing on literacy because it requires time to develop or not develop, yet IQ can be measured in young children and even infants.  Those early measurements are predictive of adult IQ and educational attainment.  [See Fagan's work with infants.]  And this:

"Within the United States, the mean Black–White group difference in IQ has not changed significantly over the past 100 years despite significant improvements in  the  conditions  of  Black  Americans.  The  same  magnitude  of  difference  is observed as early as age 2 1/2 years." [Rushton, J.P. and Jensen, A.R. (2005). Thirty Years of Research on Race Differences in Cognitive Ability. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, Vol. 11, No. 2, 235-294.]

Second, IQ gains should be most pronounced in the lower half of the IQ bell curve since this is the section of the population that prior to the education would have obtained relatively lower scores due to their inability to comprehend the intelligence test's instructions.  As you know, this has been reported in some studies and not found in others.  As Must and Must have shown, the FE is not invariant, at least in Estonia.  There is little reason to expect that it is invariant elsewhere.  The Nettelbeck study, for example, did not report this finding, nor would it have been expected in such an otherwise homogeneous group, but the FE was still present.

If all these predictions hold up, there would be support for the notion that secular IQ gains and race differences are not different phenomena but have a common origin in literacy.  Not likely.  The differences between racial groups are g loaded.  Here is the short section 5 (conclusions) from a recent paper by Rushton and Jensen:

"Heritable g is at the core of the debate over how much the mean Black–White gap in IQ and school achievement is due to the genes rather than to the environment, and therefore, how much it can be expected to narrow. While g and genetic estimates correlate significantly positively with Black–White differences 0.61 and 0.48 (P < 0.001), they correlate significantly negatively (or not at all) with the secular gains (r = -0.33; P < 0.001) and 0.13 (ns). Similarly, g loadings and heritabilities from the items of the Raven Matrices correlate significantly positively with each other and with Black–White differences (mean r = 0.74, P < 0.01). Although the secular gains are on g-loaded tests (such as the Wechsler), they are negatively correlated with the most g-loaded components of those tests. Tests lose their g loadedness over time as the result of training, retesting, and familiarity (te Nijenhuis et al., 2007).

Some issues, however, remain to be resolved. For example, Lynn (2009) found a secular rise in the Developmental Quotients of infants in the first two years of life, which he suggested was due to improved pre-natal and early post-natal nutrition. He supported his conjecture by pointing to equivalent gains in birth weight, stature, and brain size, and the correlation of these variables with later IQ. If it becomes possible to disentangle environmental factors that do affect g, from the environmental factors that do not affect g, the negative correlation between g and secular gains may increase from -0.33 to nearer - 1.00.

Predictions about the Black–White IQ gap narrowing due to the secular rise is based on faith rather than evidence. There is no more reason to expect Black–White differences in IQ to narrow as a result of the secular rise in IQ than to expect male–female differences in height to narrow as a result of the secular rise in height. The (mostly heritable) cause of the one is not the (mostly environmental) cause of the other. From the present perspective, the Flynn Effect (the secular rise in IQ) is not a Jensen Effect (because it does not occur on g).."
[Rushton and Jensen, Intelligence, Volume 38, Issue 2, March-April 2010, Pages 213-219 ]

To test these predictions, Marks looked at samples representative of whole populations (rather than individuals), and used ecological methods to calculate statistical associations between IQ and literacy rates across different countries.

The problem is that he is looking at a consequence of intelligence that has little, if anything, to do with causation.  But Marks made it clear that he thinks he is looking at the cause and not the effect.  Here is a quote from the paper you referenced:

"Secondly,  the  differences  in  IQ  scores  that  exist  today between  different populations  are  artifacts  of  large,  confounding  literacy  differences  that  exist between  these  populations. Thirdly,  white-black  differences  in  IQ  scores  are caused  by literacy  differences  between  these  racial  groups.  Comparing  the average  IQ  test  scores  of  racial  groups  or  populations  without  controlling  for literacy is illegitimate."

None of the above is correct.  The population group differences have been shown to be highly heritable biological differences and are not the result of social factors.  The race difference shows up in testing at age 2-1/2 and in the robust correlate, head size, at birth.  Literacy is not a birth nor an early childhood parameter.  Marks is off the mark.

It should also be noted that Mark's findings only speak to populations (not individuals) and do not say much about causation.  Marks made a very clear comment (see above) about his view of causation.  It seems to me that anyone wishing to show that literacy is a factor in IQ test scores would use structural equation modeling to evaluate the obvious alternatives, with the goal of showing the one that best fits available data.

variables that affect both literacy and IQ. Still, the result that population level literacy changes with population IQ is suggestive that increased literacy is causing increased IQ.

No, it is not.  It instead suggests that IQ is accompanied by literacy.  It is well known that years of education correlates positively with IQ and to such an extent that educational attainment can be used as a rough proxy for IQ.  But people do not become more intelligent as they spend more years in school.  Education is not intelligence, but rather acts as a tool set for the application of intelligence.  IQ tends to be stable over most of our lives, after about age 6, but even before that age, it is highly predictive of later measurements and is predictive of educational achievement.  For a second time let me suggest Fagan's paper: The prediction, from infancy, of adult IQ and achievement Intelligence, Volume 35, Issue 3, May-June 2007, Pages 225-231
Joseph F. Fagan, Cynthia R. Holland, Karyn Wheeler

Marks did just that by scanning the literature for datasets containing test estimates for populations of groups taking both the Armed Forces Qualifications Test and tests of literacy. One study on nine groups of soldiers differing in job and reading ability found a correlation of .96 between the Armed Forces Qualifications Test and reading achievement (Sticht, Caylor, Kern, & Fox, 1972).

Yes, because reading is highly g loaded.  Jensen devoted a long discussion to this in The g Factor (pages 279-282).  Reading does not boost g; it is g that makes reading comprehension high or low as a function of individual intelligence.

Another study obtained reading scores for 17-year olds for those same ethnic groups and dates and found a correlation of .997 between reading scores and Armed Forces Qualifications Test scores (Campbell et al., 2000). This nearly perfect correlation was based on six pairs of data points from six independent population samples evaluated by two separate groups of investigators.

These "nearly perfect correlations" are the subject of a very well done paper in Intelligence: The issue of power in the identification of “g” with lower-order factors, Pages 336-344, Dora Matzke, Conor V. Dolan, Dylan Molenaar

They commented in the conclusions section, "Our examination of published studies revealed that most of our case studies, which reported a perfect correlation between g and a lower-order factor, were underpowered, with power coefficient rarely exceeding 0.3."  The comment above strikes me as precisely the kind of underpowered case Matzke et al. were addressing.

"On the basis of the studies summarized here, there can be little doubt that the Armed Forces Qualifications Test is a measure of literacy."

There is plenty of evidence presented in The Bell Curve that the AFQT is heavily g loaded.  There is one g and it doesn't matter how it is measured, the g is still the same thing.  IQ tests get virtually all of their validity by acting as a proxy for g.  If g is measured by the Raven's, the WJ-III, or a battery of reaction time tests, the thing at the root is the same g.  The entire argument of literacy should be immediately questioned when it is used in connection with the FE, since it has been clearly shown that the largest secular gains have been observed in abstract test items.  The Raven's shows this quite well.  I once had about a one hour chat with John Raven and asked him if he thought the gains in the Raven's tests were g loaded.  He only replied that the scores were increasing.  When I asked Jim Flynn if the FE gains were g loaded, he gave me his usual historical (Rabbit and Hound story) answer, then said "I don't know."  Most studies that have attempted to determine the g loading of the FE have found no loading.  Rushton and Jensen have made this point as have Must and Must and others.

In The g Factor, Jensen showed that a positive FE could be shown for abstract test items, while a negative FE could be shown for scholastic items  (see page 322).  It is more than odd that the latter (literacy) would contribute in the opposite direction along with abstract items.

Potential research avenues to be explored.

The Marks study suggests a crucial environmental factor is literacy. Marks has tried to make that point, but he has skipped the necessary details and has ignored the strong biological effects as well as the early age factor that I have previously pointed out. If this is so, then interventions that increase literacy will also narrow the IQ gap found between different races and nationalities. To the best of my knowledge, no social or training factor has ever been shown to cause a real and permanent increase in g.  Training increases the Spearman s loading and lowers the g loading.  It does not improve real intelligence (g).

This latest research on the environmental effects of nutrition (Colom et al., 2005, but see Flynn, 2009), disease, literacy, and more on both the rise in IQ and ethnic, racial, and national disparities in IQ point to the importance of the environment for developing intelligence as well as the importance for researchers to be very careful when they use intelligence test performance (especially verbal tests) to make inferences about hereditary differences between different ethnic groups and nationalities.

Environmental factors account for about 17% of the variance in intelligence in developed nations.  It must be more in undeveloped nations, but environmental factors act through biological mechanisms (toxins, disease, etc., not social factors) and, so far, these have all been negative.  Ethnic group IQs are highly heritable as is evident by such displays as regression to the mean (for the group), inbreeding depression, twin studies, and adoption studies.  Marks failed to explain the finding that adopted children reach adult IQs that are as predicted by their biological peers and those IQs are uncorrelated with their adoptive siblings.  You would expect similar literacy within a family, but these studies show that only heritability was able to explain the outcomes.

Bob Williams

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Monday, August 23, 2010

The Flynn Effect and IQ Disparities Among Races, Ethnicities, and Nations: Are There Common Links: Guest post by S. B. Kaufman

The following is a guest blog post by Scott Barry Kaufman, the author of the most excellent Psychology Today Beautiful Minds blog---a regular read of this blogmaster.  A number of the links in the article were added by IQs Corner blogmaster.



The Flynn Effect and IQ Disparities Among Races, Ethnicities, and Nations: Are There Common Links?

By Scott Barry Kaufman, Ph.D.


Over the years, various ‘social multipliers' (Dickens & Flynn, 2006) have been proposed to account for the Flynn Effect-the dramatic increase in IQ witnessed every decade of the 20th century. Potential environmental effects include increased nutrition, increased test familiarity, heterosis, increased scientific education, video games, TV show complexity, modernization, and more. Surely a combination of factors contributed to the rise. In this post, I want to focus though on a few changes over the course of the past 100 years that have particular implications for understanding race, ethnic, and national disparities in IQ. First let’s look at literacy.

Literacy involves the ability to write, read, and comprehend information of varying levels of complexity. It is estimated that there are 774 million illiterate adults in the world, 65% whom are women (UNESCO Intsistute for Statistics, 2007). In the United States alone, 5% of the adult population is completely nonliterate (Kirsch, Jungeblut, Jenkins, & Kolstad, 1993). Self-reported literacy skills of both White and Black populations of the U.S. have been increasing steadily since 1870, however (National Center for Education Statistics, 1993). One study showed that the IQ and literacy scores of Blacks increased in parallel from 1980 to 2000 (Dickens & Flynn, 2006).

The importance of being able to read for performance on an IQ test cannot be understated. Instead of measuring ‘intelligence' in a nonliterate test-taker, the test is measuring that person's inability to read. While ‘intelligence' may certainly influence an individual's ability to read, society has a lot of influence on how many inhabitants even get the chance to read in the first place. Therefore, reading skills may exert important effects on particular races, ethnicities, and nationalities that have historically been through much discrimination and as a result, received limited opportunities for literacy development.

An enormous body of evidence collected over the past 50 years shows that different ethnicities and races within a country tend to show substantial differences in their average level of IQ. Some researchers argue that this gap is narrowing (Dickens & Flynn, 2006) whereas others argue that the IQ gap has remained stable (Murray, 2006). IQ test score discrepancies are also found between nations. For instance, sub-Saharan African countries have demonstrated statistically significantly lower IQs than other nations (Lynn, 2006, 2008). These findings have led some researchers to propose that such IQ gaps found across ethnicities, races, and nationalities suggests a difference in innate brain capacity (see Lynn & Vanhanen, 2006).

Until recently, the phenomenon of the Flynn Effect, and IQ gaps found between different ethnicities, races, and nationalities have not been tied together. For the first time ever, Psychologist David F. Marks systematically analyzed the association between literacy skills and IQ across time, nationality, and race (Marks, 2010).

If increasing literacy were really explaining a number of seemingly different IQ trends, then you would expect to see a few things. First, within a population you should expect increased education of literacy skills to be associated with an increase in the average IQ of that population. Second, IQ gains should be most pronounced in the lower half of the IQ bell curve since this is the section of the population that prior to the education would have obtained relatively lower scores due to their inability to comprehend the intelligence test's instructions. With increased literacy, you should expect to see a change in the skewness of the IQ distribution from positive to negative as a result of higher rates of literacy in the lower half of the IQ distribution (but very little change in the top half of the distribution). You should also expect to see differences on the particular intelligence test subscales, with increased literacy showing the strongest effects on verbal tests of intelligence and minimal differences on other tests of intelligence. If all these predictions hold up, there would be support for the notion that secular IQ gains and race differences are not different phenomena but have a common origin in literacy.

To test these predictions, Marks looked at samples representative of whole populations (rather than individuals), and used ecological methods to calculate statistical associations between IQ and literacy rates across different countries. Were Marks' findings consistent with the predictions?

Strikingly, yes. He found that the higher the literacy rate of a population, the higher that population's mean IQ, and the higher that population's mean IQ, the higher the literacy rate of that population. When literacy rates declined, mean IQ also declined. Marks also found evidence for unequal improvements across the entire IQ spectrum: the greatest effects of increased literacy rates were on those in the lower half of the IQ distribution. Interestingly, he also found that both the Flynn Effect and racial/national IQ differences showed the largest effects of literacy on verbal tests of intelligence, with the perceptual tests of intelligence showing no consistent pattern.

It must be noted that literacy wasn't the only factor responsible for the Flynn effect. Adopting the Cattell-Horn-Carroll (C-H-C) framework (McGrew, 2005, 2009) Marks found that Visual processing (Gv) and Processing Speed (Gs) also made important contributions.

It should also be noted that Mark's findings only speak to populations (not individuals) and do not say much about causation. The findings can only definitively say that some not-yet-identified variable is causing both literacy and IQ scores to change. To really test for causation, future experimental studies should be conducted to look at the effect of literacy intervention on IQ scores in comparison with a control group not receiving literacy intervention and should also investigate intervening variables that affect both literacy and IQ. Still, the result that population level literacy changes with population IQ is suggestive that increased literacy is causing increased IQ.

Even though there is still much work to be done, Marks’ findings have some very strong implications for our understanding of the Flynn effect, the nature of intelligence, and the origin of race and secular differences in intelligence.

In Hernstein & Murray's 1994 book The bell curve: intelligence and class structure in American life, most of their controversial claims about IQ differences, ethnicity, and social issues came from the United States Department of Labor's National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. This survey includes the Armed Forces Qualifications Test, which was developed by the Department of Defense and measures the ability of potential recruits to learn how to perform military duties. Since many of Hernstein & Murray's conclusions were based on this test, it's important to really examine what that test measures.

Marks did just that by scanning the literature for datasets containing test estimates for populations of groups taking both the Armed Forces Qualifications Test and tests of literacy. One study on nine groups of soldiers differing in job and reading ability found a correlation of .96 between the Armed Forces Qualifications Test and reading achievement (Sticht, Caylor, Kern, & Fox, 1972). Another study looking at the period between 1980 and 1992 found significant improvements among Black and Hispanic populations in their Armed Forces Qualifications Test scores while Whites only showed a slight decrement (Kilburn, Hanser, & Klerman, 1998). Another study obtained reading scores for 17-year olds for those same ethnic groups and dates and found a correlation of .997 between reading scores and Armed Forces Qualifications Test scores (Campbell et al., 2000). This nearly perfect correlation was based on six pairs of data points from six independent population samples evaluated by two separate groups of investigators. As Marks notes,

"On the basis of the studies summarized here, there can be little doubt that the Armed Forces Qualifications Test is a measure of literacy."

The Flynn Effect was intriguing all by itself. Now that researchers have shown common linkages between the Flynn Effect, race, ethnic, and nationality disparities, there are even more questions to be answered and potential research avenues to be explored. The Marks study suggests a crucial environmental factor is literacy. If this is so, then interventions that increase literacy will also narrow the IQ gap found between different races and nationalities.

Literacy intervention can take many forms though. Researchers should consider not just improved access to schooling but also lots of other conditions that may affect literacy rates. For instance, recent research shows the important effects of parasites and pathogens on a nation's intelligence (see recent article in The Economist called Mens sana in corpore sano). Christopher Eppig and colleague's argue in their recent article in Proceedings of the Royal Society that the Flynn effect may be caused in part by the decrease in the intensity of infectious diseases as nations develop. Looking at data from 192 countries and 28 infectious diseases in those countries, they found that the higher the disease burden of that population, the lower that population's mean IQ level, with robust correlations ranging from -0.76 to -0.82. The chance that this correlation came about at random is reported by The Economist to be less than 10,000. Interestingly, when Eppig and colleagues controlled for other contributing variables to national differences in IQ (temperature, distance from Africa, gross domestic product per capita and various measures of education), infectious disease remained the most powerful predictor of average national IQ.

These results suggest that infections and parasites such as intestinal worms, malaria, and perhaps most importantly (according to Eppig and colleagues) bugs that cause diarrhea, can all have important effects on both literacy rates and IQ scores. The good news is that disease interventions such as vaccinations, clean water and proper sewage can have quite outstanding effects on multiple areas of cognition.

This latest research on the environmental effects of nutrition (Colom et al., 2005, but see Flynn, 2009), disease, literacy, and more on both the rise in IQ and ethnic, racial, and national disparities in IQ point to the importance of the environment for developing intelligence as well as the importance for researchers to be very careful when they use intelligence test performance (especially verbal tests) to make inferences about hereditary differences between different ethnic groups and nationalities.

© 2010 by Scott Barry Kaufman

Acknowledgments: Thanks to Louisa Egan for bringing the Economist article to my attention.

For more on the Flynn Effect, see:
Are you smarter than Aristotle? Part I

Are you smarter than Aristotle?: On the Flynn Effect and the Aristotle Paradox

IQ Bashing, Breadancing, The Flynn Effect, and Genes

References

Campbell, J. R., Hombo, C. M., & Mazzeo, J. (2000) Trends in academic progress: three decades of student performance, NCES 2000-469. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, National Center for Education Statistics, NAEP 1999.

Colom, R., Lluis-Font, J. M., & Andrés-Pueyo, A. (2005) The generational intelligence gains are caused by decreasing variance in the lower half of the distribution: supporting evidence for the nutrition hypothesis. Intelligence, 33, 83-91.

Dickens, W. T., & Flynn, J. R. (2006) Black Americans reduce the racial IQ gap: evidence from standardization samples. Psychological Science, 17, 913-920.

Eppig, C., Fincher, C.L., & Thornhill, R. (2010). Parasite prevalence and the worldwide distribution of cognitive ability. Proceedings of the Royal Society B, doi: 10.1098/rspb.2010.0973.

Flynn, J. R. (2009) Requiem for nutrition as the cause of IQ gains: Raven's gains in Britain 1938 to 2008. Economics and Human Biology, 7, 18-27.

Herrnstein, R. J., & Murray, C. (1994) The bell curve: Intelligence and class structure in American life. New York: Free Press.

Kilburn, M. R., Hanser, L. M., & Klerman, J. A. (1998) Estimating AFQT scores for National Educational Longitudinal Study(NELS) respondents. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Distribution Services.

Kirsch, I. S., Jungeblut, A., Jenkins, L., & Kolstad, A. (1993) Adult literacy in America: A first look ook at the results of the National Adult Literacy Survey. Princeton, NJ: Educational Testing Service.

Lynn, R. (2006) Race differences in intelligence: an evolutionary analysis. Augusta, GA: Washington Summit.

Lynn, R. (2008) The global bell curve. Augusta, GA: Washington Summit.

Lynn, R., & Vanhanen, T. (2002) IQ and the wealth of nations. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Marks, D.F. (2010). IQ variations across time, race, and nationality: An artifact of differences in literacy skills. Psychological Reports, 106, 3, 643-664.

McGrew, K. S. (2005) The Cattell-Horn-Carroll theory of cognitive abilities: past, present, and future. In D. P. Flanagan & P. L. Harrison (Eds.), Contemporary intellectual assessment: theories, tests, and issues. (2nd ed.) New York: Guilford. Pp. 136-182.

McGrew, K. (2009).  Editorial.  CHC theory and the human cognitive abilities project. Standing on the shoulders of the giants of psychometric intelligence research, Intelligence, 37, 1-10.

Murray, C. (2006) Changes over time in the Black-White difference on mental tests: evidence from the children of the 1979 cohort of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. Intelligence, 34, 527-540.

National Center for Education Statistics. (1993) 120 years of American educ ation: a statistical portrait. (T. Snyder, Ed.) Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, NCES 1993.

Sticht, T. G., Caylor, J. S., Kern, R. P., & Fox, L. C. (1972) Project REALISTIC: determination of adult functional literacy skill levels. Reading Research Quarterly, 7, 424-465.

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Tuesday, August 17, 2010

Reading fluency and reading LD/dyslexia: Guest post by John DeMann

The following is a guest blog post (previously called virtual scholars at this blog)  by John J. DeMann, NCSP, School Psychologist, North Allegheny School District John took advantage of my standing offer to readers of my blogs to receive a PDF copy of any article I mention in a research brief (or byte ) or any article that may be in a recent "IQs Corner Recent Literature of Interest" post.  I know that many practitioners do not have access to journals......so if a person volunteers to make a brief written post, I'm willing to send them a PDF copy of the article in exchange for the post.

This feature benefits all readers as the post is "added value and commentary" which then allows me to provide a link to the full article (via the "fair use doctrine"---esp. for educational purposes) for all to read.  So it is a win-win and "help your colleagues" type of exchange program.

John's post is very well written and provides a nice overview of the article along with some stimulating ideas and thoughts.  Thanks John.  His post is reproduced below "as is" (save any minor copy edits and or the adding or URL links by the blogmaster).  If you are considering a guest post, don't think your post has to be as long as John's.  Individual differences in guest posting is valued and recognized.

Recently, increased interest in reading fluency has emerged in both the professional literature and in applied practice. Oral reading fluency is typically the outcome variable by which response to intervention (RTI) models are evaluated, and is usually measured by a child's rate and accuracy (words correct/minute) when reading connected text. With the ubiquity of interventions targeting core phonological awareness deficits, attention has shifted to other cognitive variables that influence reading development beyond single-word reading and decoding difficulties. Although traditional assessment and definitions of dyslexia focus on single-word reading and decoding deficits, difficulty with reading fluency has been increasingly recognized as an important characteristic of dyslexics. For example, the recent reauthorization of the Individuals with Disability Education Improvement Act (IDEA, 2004) now recognizes reading fluency as one of the eight areas of specific learning disability. More recent conceptualizations of the term dyslexia also include references to fluency as an area of difficulty experiences by individuals with dyslexia. Further, the authors of the forthcoming revision to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th edition) are proposing a revised definition of dyslexia that includes difficulties in accuracy or fluency. This increased attention to fluency as an important aspect of reading may be the result of fluency being recognized as an important contributor to the overall goal of reading - comprehension. Reading fluency is essential for a child's academic success, as dysfluent reading is likely to significantly interfere with reading comprehension and thereby hamper the learning of content area knowledge. Although intervention research has established reading fluency's importance in developing overall reading skills, more work is needed to explore dyslexia characterized primarily by a lack of fluency and gain consensus regarding disability subtypes and cognitive components of fluency.

Meisinger et al.'s articleReading Fluency: implications for the assessment of children with reading disabilities (Annals of Dyslexia, 2010, 60, 1-17) establishes an argument for the importance of fluency as an overall indicator of reading ability, and stresses the importance of including standardized measures of fluency when conducting comprehensive assessments. In the current age of formative assessment and response-to-treatment models dominating the school psychology landscape, these authors argue that reliable and valid measures of fluency may be an overlooked aspect of assessment given the shortcomings of many assessment instruments. They argue that many common assessment instruments that measure reading skills include measures of word reading, decoding, and comprehension, but seldom include measures of reading fluency. Additionally, they point-out the inconsistency of how reading fluency is defined by various tests. For example, the Reading Fluency subtest from the Woodcock-Johnson Tests of Achievement - Third Edition (WJ-III ACH) measures an individual's ability to quickly read simple statements and decide whether they are accurate (i.e. includes comprehension), whereas other measures characterize fluency as an individual's ability quickly and accurately read larger blocks of text (e.g. GORT-4). Regardless of how fluency is measured, Meisinger et al. caution that the omission of fluency in the assessment of an individual's reading skills may have important implications for diagnostic decision making. They reference recent research that suggests word reading and reading fluency are distinct skills that each make unique contributions to an individuals reading comprehension. Therefore, evaluations that do not include measures of reading fluency may lead to erroneous or misleading conclusions regarding an individual's reading abilities.

As a result of this significant problem, Meisinger et al. chose to examine the diagnostic utility of reading fluency to identify children with reading disabilities by (a) determining whether there are children who have typically developing word identification and decoding skills but show specific deficits in reading fluency; (b) examine which cognitive features differentiate children with specific reading fluency deficits from struggling and normal readers, and (c) investigating whether the omission of reading fluency in the assessment of children would results in the under-identification of children with reading disabilities. The results of their study suggest:

* reading fluency measures are more sensitive in detecting reading problems than word reading measures
* it is essential to evaluate reading fluency when assessing children referred for reading difficulties; failure to do so may result in the under-identification of children with reading disabilities
* results support the identification of a subgroup of children who exhibit specific deficits in reading fluency without concordant deficits in single word reading in isolation or in decoding unknown words ("double-deficit" reading disability subtypes
* RAN is an underlying process that plays an important role in determining the rate at which children read connected text
* compared to children with normal reading skills, children with deficits in reading fluency were characterized by deficits in rapid naming speed but not in phonological processing

These results, as the authors suggest, have important implications for practitioners, suggesting that psycho-educational assessment that does not include measures of reading fluency is at risk of under-identifying children who would otherwise be classified as reading-disabled. These results also support the need for increased focus on intervention that leads to improved reading skills beyond the single-word level.

In review of this article, a few criticisms/caveats to consider: the authors indicate that a comprehensive, standardized test that measures word reading, decoding, fluency, and comprehension does not exist, making a cross-battery approach necessary to measure all variables in this study. Therefore, as the authors suggest, differences in test characteristics could account for the observed differences in performance on these measures. Although the WJ-III measures all aspects of reading used in their study, they chose to use a measure of fluency that aligns with more current definitions (e.g. National Reading Panel). It might be interesting to see how these tests choose to conceptualize fluency in future test revisions. The new WIAT-III (which wasn't released until after this study was submitted for review) defines fluency much like the GORT-4, and benefits from being a comprehensive, co-normed battery. A replication of this study using the WIAT-III norming sample could mitigate the sampling and testing error differences reported in this study, and determine whether these results generalize to a larger normative sample - the sample used in this study was selected from a largely white, clinic-referred sample of children previously diagnosed with a reading disability or suspected of having reading problems. Lastly, the authors suggest that their results should be replicated and expanded upon by exploring other potentially important variables that may contribute to reading fluency performance. For example, working memory is offered as another potentially important cognitive variable for reading fluency that could be included in this model to predict variance in reading fluency performance. Despite the evidence that demonstrates RAN is an underlying process that plays an important role in identifying reading difficulties, our understanding of why children with reading problems display these deficits is still limited. From a CHC perspective, RAN tasks share both cognitive speediness (Gs) and naming/retrieval (Glr) performance aspects; another question that remains as a result of this study is whether RAN deficits represent a more general slow speed of processing (Gs), or whether RAN deficits are related to slowness specific to letters/numbers that hampers the development of fluent reading.

It is apparent that reading fluency represents a largely under-studied area of reading research that may be a key area of assessment for children who experience reading problems. Most importantly, assessment practices that include standardized fluency measures may help differentiate intervention for students who experience difficulty developing fluency beyond word-identification skills.


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